The implosion among Republicans in the House of Representatives presents Democrats with an incredible opportunity, though perhaps not the one they imagine. It is the opportunity to govern.
Kevin McCarthy’s last act as speaker was to allow the full House to vote on a temporary spending bill, averting a government shutdown at the last minute and defying threats from far-right hardliners. In a rare departure from the usual partisan stand-off, the bill passed with support from a majority of Republicans and a majority of Democrats.
Don’t be fooled by Matt Gaetz’ nonsensical claim that McCarthy is some kind of secret Democrat — or by McCarthy’s own claim to be a statesman. He had no choice.
The Senate had already voted to consider a temporary budget extender and President Biden had declared he would sign it. Had the House failed to do its part, the resulting shutdown would have been highly visible, painful for many families and unpopular with the general public.
Crucially, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell and most of his Republican colleagues supported the budget extender, along with Democratic senators. Most House Republicans were also ready to vote for it. Thus McCarthy couldn’t deflect blame for a shutdown by calling the bill a Democratic power grab or radical progressive legislation. Without that smokescreen, he knew that refusing to keep the government operating was indefensible on the merits and would cost some of his Republican colleagues their seats in 2024, maybe enough to put Democrats back in the majority.
McCarthy also knew that two of the last four Republican speakers before him (Newt Gingrich and John Boehner) had been forced out by their colleagues after leading them into disastrous shutdowns.
Rock, meet hard place.
Which brings us to the real opportunity for Democrats. No matter who replaces McCarthy, the structural pressures that doomed his speakership will persist. Sooner or later, the next speaker will have to choose between infuriating the hardliners or discrediting traditional Republicans.
Democrats can leverage this dynamic to force House Republicans to address not only the budget extender but other national crises or crises-in-the-making.
For that strategy to work, mainstream House Republicans must fear a penalty for inaction, as with the shutdown. Democrats need to push legislation that will immediately benefit a large segment of the country or will credibly address a problem Americans see as urgent.
This legislation must have significant Republican support, as the budget extender did. Crafting bipartisan bills on hot button issues is not easy but it can surely be done. Consider:
- Inflation is devastating household budgets. A payroll tax cut would bring immediate relief. Republicans like tax cuts and Democrats like helping the working-class families who need this particular tax cut the most.
- Pairing asylum reform and border security (fences where the geography permits, electronic surveillance elsewhere and enough personnel to enforce it all) with increased legal immigration and a path to citizenship for existing residents would address the migrant crisis not just rhetorically, but in reality — and would also incorporate the top priorities of both parties.
- A bill to wean power plants off fossil fuels while allowing more fracking during the transition period would cut emissions enormously, weaken enemies like Russia and Iran, and attract votes from moderates of both parties.
Finally, the next speaker must be able to act on behalf of mainstream House Republicans without fearing ouster by the small group of extremists. House Democrats should commit to abstaining on any further “motions to vacate” the speaker position. Forget demanding concessions or gestures toward “shared governance.” If the next speaker is free to compromise with Biden and the Senate, that’s a win for Democrats.
Now, Democrats might think: Why settle for compromises? Why not let the Republicans self-destruct, take back the House next year and pass robust progressive bills on economic security, immigration, climate and other issues?
Because in their hearts, members of Congress have to know the system is failing. For decades, the federal government has been paralyzed while middle-class jobs vanish, climate catastrophes multiply, progress toward racial equality has reversed — and our democracy has begun to unravel.
Even if the 2024 elections go well for Democrats, the country will remain deeply divided. Democrats can fantasize about vanquishing Republicans and vice-versa, but the reality is that Americans have a wide range of political views. That’s fine. The country can survive — and thrive — with both progressives and conservatives in Congress. It can’t survive without compromise. The only path forward is through the center.
This moment of upheaval in Washington offers a chance for the broad middle to assert itself. Democrats mustn’t waste it.
Yassky is a former congressional staffer and Democratic member of the New York City Council.
David Yassky
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