On Jan. 8, Brazil became the center of attention of pro-democracy forces throughout the world. In the country’s capital, Brasília, a violent crowd invaded the historic buildings that house the executive, legislative and judiciary branches of the Brazil government in an attempt to take the center of political power by storm.
They didn’t succeed, but they left behind a trail of destruction. They broke furniture, ripped off doors, smashed computers, damaged valuable works of art and urinated and defecated on carpets and floors. Their destruction generated images of the desecration of some of the most iconic symbols of South America’s largest democracy.
The rioters called themselves “patriots.” They wore yellow shirts, one of the symbols of the national football team, and carried Brazilian flags. They arrived in the nation’s capital in bus caravans from different parts of the country and camped out in front of the Brazilian army’s headquarters.
The rioters’ intention was to overthrow the government by force since they do not accept the fact that Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva won the Oct. 30 election, defeating the now former President Jair Bolsonaro by just over 2 million votes, or 1.8 percent of all valid votes cast.
The Jan. 8 events in Brasília took place two years and two days after supporters of then-U.S. President Donald Trump attempted to do the same on Capitol Hill. In a sense, Bolsonaro and his patriots copied Trump. But in at least two respects those favoring the Brazilian coup movement were more sophisticated than their U.S. counterpart.
First of all, the Brazilian rioters had the sympathy of the security forces. In the attack on the U.S. Capitol, the police opposed the protesters. At least 138 security agents were wounded and four people died by suicide following the insurrection. In Brasília, the police did not act to prevent the invasion. They only entered the scene to remove the demonstrators after they had vandalized government buildings.
The Federal District police, who are responsible for security in the Brazilian capital, were under the command of Anderson Torres, a self-styled patriot, who, before taking office, had been Bolsonaro’s minister of justice. The inaction of Torres and the police have revealed how much the coup movement has the sympathy of a large sector of security forces and members of the Brazilian armed forces. The fact that the staging ground for the violent assault took place in the campsite set up in front of the army barracks makes that very clear. We still don’t know precisely how much of the Brazilian security apparatus has been taken over by these people, nor do we know what their behavior will be in the case of any future similar attacks during the next four years of the Lula administration.
CARL DE SOUZA/AFP via Getty Images
There is also a second factor that shows why the Brazilian coup movement improved on the actions by those who invaded the U.S. Capitol. Bolsonaro deftly left Brazil on Dec. 30, two days before the inauguration of the new president, traveling to Orlando, Fla., where he kept silent about his election defeat. In doing so, Bolsonaro also did not formally hand over power to Lula. On his social networks, he continues to present himself as the president of Brazil. He communicates with his followers through ambiguous messages in thousands of groups that exist in alternative social networks and messaging applications. Everything, including his departure for the United States, was calculated so that he could not be accused of supporting the coup movement.
The pitched battle that took place in Brasília should serve as a warning to other democracies. As was the case in the United States in 2021, Brazil in 2023 became a frightening showcase of the destructive power these groups have. The coup movement in Brazil is part of a new radical Right that is willing to do anything to undermine democracy. Trump and Bolsonaro are exponents of an extremist movement made up of people who reject the democratic values that have slowly taken hold in many countries over the last three centuries.
The Brazilian movement was able to create an army of radicalized supporters. They have been convinced that they must resort to violence to combat what is presented by their leaders as an existential threat. To them, the program of the Lula government in defense of democracy, human rights, environmental protection, and the fight against racism and inequality is nothing more than an attempt to implant communism in Brazil.
The followers of Trump, Bolsonaro and other leaders of this international movement are motivated by a moral and patriotic discourse. They are growing in size and influence. They are attracting new followers and becoming ever more sophisticated and influential. Although the Brazilian Minister of Justice Department has pledged to prosecute those that stormed the government buildings, the extreme Right, in Brazil and abroad, remains a serious threat to democracy worldwide.
James N. Green is professor of Brazilian history and culture at Brown University (Providence, R.I.). He is also president of the board of directors of the Washington Brazil Office.
The views expressed in this article are the writer’s own.
